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The single largest and most comprehensive report ever produced to document the human rights situation in Burma is now available

Mon, 23 Nov 2009 08:07:41 -0500

(BANGKOK, THAILAND) The Human Rights Documentation Unit (HRDU) is pleased to announce the release of the Burma Human Rights Yearbook 2008, marking the 15th anniversary of the publication. At 1,092 pages in length and comprised of approximately half a million words in 21 separate thematic chapters, the Burma Human Rights Yearbook 2008 represents the single largest, most comprehensive and most inclusive report ever compiled meticulously detailing the appalling human rights situation in Burma.

The year 2008 proved to be a critical year in Burma’s recent history. Compounding an environment of ongoing human rights abuse, 2008 was a year characterized by natural disaster, severe political repression and the reverberations of the previous year’s popular uprising. The advent of Tropical Cyclone Nargis in May provided the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) military junta with an opportunity to demonstrate to the international community that political differences could be set aside for the good of those affected by the devastating storm. Instead, regime recalcitrance, obfuscation and outright corruption cost untold Burmese lives and showed a weary international community that the situation Burma may well get worse before its gets better.

While regime reluctance to permit foreign assistance in the cyclone relief effort could have been explained as the paranoia of a reclusive and xenophobic Police State after many years of isolation, the cynicism of conducting a referendum on the SPDC-backed draft Constitution in the middle of a national emergency could be afforded no such concessions. The stage management of the May 2008 referendum and concomitant abuses of fundamental freedoms carefully documented in the Burma Human Rights Yearbook 2008 provide an ominous warning that the forthcoming 2010 parliamentary elections are unlikely to be free or fair.

In addition to the SPDC’s gross negligence and mishandling of cyclone relief efforts and the convening of a referendum widely viewed as fraudulent, a broad spectrum of human rights abuses continued to be perpetrated across the country. Burma’s civilian population continued to be subject to systematic violations including arbitrary arrest, torture and extra-judicial execution, rape, forced labour, extortion, the curtailment of fundamental freedoms, religious and ethnic discrimination, forced relocation, recruitment of child soldiers, deprivation of livelihood and the destruction of property, among others. The Burma Human Rights Yearbook 2008 presents clear evidence that all of these violations and more were ongoing throughout 2008 in a climate of near-complete impunity and are designed to keep Burma’s civilian population subservient to the autocratic rule of the military.

With the proposed 2010 parliamentary elections looming, the Burma Human Rights Yearbook 2008 provides an excellent contextual tool and platform for a discussion of continued political repression within Burma and the ramifications of rights abuse, particularly the doubling of political prisoners over the course of 2008, suffocation of political space and prospects for inclusion of ethnic minorities in the post-election political landscape.

In spite of the sheer volume of evidence clearly demonstrating the SPDC’s unrelenting oppression of the Burmese population, several of Burma’s neighbours, including China, India and Thailand continue to prop up the regime as they vie for a percentage of Burma’s considerable natural resources. However, this kind of engagement can easily lead to maintenance of the status quo; economic interests must not be allowed to subjugate the rights of the Burmese people.

It is with a considerable measure of regret that the HRDU reflects on the last 15 years of comprehensive human rights documentation and sees very little improvement in the rights situation of Burma’s citizens. Sadly, many of the issues examined in the Burma Human Rights Yearbook 2008 are the same as those discussed in the very first Burma Human Rights Yearbook, 15 years ago. Despite the frustrating lack of progress, the circumstances in Burma demand that documentation and advocacy efforts continue to ensure that the abuses of the SPDC remain at the forefront of international attention.

The HRDU is the research and documentation department of Burma’s opposition government-in-exile, the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB). The HRDU was formed in 1994 to comprehensively document the human rights situations in Burma, in order to protect and promote the internationally recognised human rights of those persons in the country.

The Burma Human Rights Yearbook 2008 can be downloaded in PDF format (1,092 pages / 12.66 MB) from the NCGUB website at www.ncgub.net or on the Online Burma Library at www.burmalibrary.org. All previous editions of the Burma Human Rights Yearbook may also be found on the NCGUB website, along with the highly-acclaimed HRDU thematic report, Bullets in the Alms Bowl ; An Analysis of the Brutal SPDC Suppression of the September 2007 Saffron Revolution Protests.

Questions, comments and requests for further information may be forwarded to the HRDU via email at enquiries.hrdu@gmail.com.

New Books Published by NCGUB

Thu, 29 Oct 2009 15:20:08 -0400

NCGUB added several new publications to this website for all Burmese and interested persons to download and read. They are:

Dr Tint Swe: Burma's military junta survives thanks to world’s hypocrisy

Thu, 30 Jul 2009 15:10:52 -0400

Dr Tint Swe, a member of the NCGUB -- formed by elected representatives from Burma after the elections of 1990 -- describes the situation of his country on the eve of the verdict in the trial against Aung San Suu Kyi, with an eye on the elections in 2010.

The situation in Burma goes from bad to worse. The free market economy, foreign investment and trade with China, India and the countries of South Asia cannot bring Burma out of the least developed country (LDC) status even after over 20 years. The military is prepared for the next phases, which is to legalize their grip on power by holding a new election in 2010. Ethnic groups are subjected to tremendous pressure to be transformed into border guards. This process is being done by hook or by crook. UN Secretary General’s two-day visit to Burma last month could bring only a lip-service that said the regime would grant so-called amnesty before the election i.e. more criminal and less political prisoners will be released.

We then need to add a few more important facts about my country. Burma has become a nuclear power while the population's living conditions are extremely poor. The country is selling natural gas to Thailand and China while people have to cut wood from trees to cook. According to 2005 UNDP survey one third of the population live below the poverty line. Inflation is adding to the economic burden, with the price of rice, for example, up by 30 percent over the past year alone. But the regime is rich enough to construct a series of secret underground tunnels reportedly built with North Korean help.

There are clear differences between the positions of the Indian government and the movement for democracy in Burma. One of them is the controversial roadmap of the regime. The roadmap was unilaterally withdrawn and abandoned by the military in 2003 just after Suu Kyi was ambushed and put under house arrest for the third time. The National Assembly was reduced to a façade. The constitution was entirely flawed. Neither a civilian nor a woman can become the president. The referendum was a huge scam and as will be the elections of 2010.

I want all countries to stop selling arms to Burmese regime because arms are meant for killing pro-democracy activists and ethnic peoples. I want India to refrain from defending the regime at the international forums; at the United Nations, at the International Labor Organization, and at the UN Commission on Human Rights.

In 2007 while thousands of monks were protesting, India was only country which sent a cabinet minister to sign a memorandum with the regime. And earlier, India fully supported that roadmap as expressed by Indian President Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam on March 9, 2006 during his visit to Burma. Moreover, India sent a cabinet minister to the funeral of Burmese Prime Minister who was known for his bloody hand in crackdowns on pro-democracy activists

The constructive engagement approach championed by the Southeast Asian bloc (ASEAN) proved ineffective. At the same time western sanctions were eased for humanitarian reason. But those same people did not criticize the military regime which deliberately blocked international aid during devastating cyclone Nargis when 140,000 died. The blame game does not help poor people of Burma. Now the new American administration is reviewing its Burma policy. My question why not India!

Dr Sein Win Accepts MAGI Award 2009 for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi

Wed, 22 Jul 2009 13:31:27 -0400

Speech delivered by Dr Sein Win at the MAGI Award 2009 Presentation Ceremony held at the City Hall of Durban, South Africa, to accept the award on behalf of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

Ladies and Gentlemen, it is a great honor for me to join with you on this auspicious occasion; the awarding of the prestigious "MAGI Award 2009" -- "Mahatma Gandhi International Award for Reconciliation and Peace" -- to our leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

On behalf of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the people of Burma, let me express our heartfelt gratitude to the Gandhi Development Trust and the people of South Africa for expressing your solidarity with us.

The special meaning of this award is not lost on me. The fact that MAGI Award is given to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi -- a strict follower of Gandhi's Principles and a strong advocate for peaceful, non-violent change in Burma -- is indeed a very proud moment for us. While we are meeting here on a joyous occasion, a mind-numbing reality of today's Burma is that our leader is not only being denied her basic freedoms but also being tried and held in Insein Prison under charges which are preposterous.

This moment, therefore, gives us cause to consider both the strength of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and to face the dreadful reality of today's Burma.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's strength is perhaps best epitomized in her unwillingness to compromise her principles even at the expense of her personal safety. Citing that she had the legal right to be present at a certain town, she led a march in front and soldiers who were aiming to shoot at her, let her proceed. When security personnel were using water cannon on her supporters, she climbed aboard the fire truck with water cannons and stopped them from being used against the people. The military junta in Burma has allowed her to leave Burma at any time. But she chose to remain in her country spending 14 of her last 20 years under detention. She pays the price to share the suffering of the people as all leaders should. She knows that once she leaves, she will never be allowed back. Her ties with her beloved country would be severed. So, she will not yield, will not renege.

She knows that her people are indeed suffering. The reality of Burma is indeed an awful thing to confront.

Burma has been for a decade a so-called 'Silent Emergency' as characterized by UN agencies and international humanitarian organizations.

More than 40% of the population is living below the poverty line and concerns over food security have become chronic, not without reason.

One out of three Burmese children under five is suffering severe malnutrition.

Burma has the second highest child mortality rate in Asia. Up to 150,000 children die every year, mainly from preventable diseases.

Despite the desperate situation, there are no initiatives or programs put forward by the regime to help the people cope. The global economic crisis, a palpable threat to the lives of so many Burmese, is hardly acknowledged in the planning of the generals.

Yet, already, Burmese migrant workers who were employed in labor intensive industries in neighboring countries are going back home, broken and penniless.

This ersatz government, sitting in its Potemkin capital, refuses to provide or plan for any alternative employment, nor to even consider basic social welfare.

Burma's rich agricultural sector, so long the backbone of its economy and the likely location of its immediate economic future, is in ruin due to the military's self-centered, often ad hoc policies to limit inputs, disrupt transport, control sales quotas and restrict staple crops.

Extrajudicial killings, lootings, forced labor, and recruitment of children as child soldiers continue unabated and Burma around 70,000 child soldiers, the highest number anywhere in the world.

Ethnic nationality communities are regularly, brutally, uprooted in the interests of the military's meandering mindset. The valuable socio-cultural fabric of these communities has been torn irrevocably. Their unique cultural inputs are now lost. Burma's army continues its hostile military operations in areas where ethnic nationalities are based, in the interests of quashing dissent and of consolidating its control.

People have been fleeing to Thailand to escape from the persecution of the military and as of January this year, the number of refugees at the Thai-Burma border has gone over the 140,000 mark.

Nearly one million Burmese have been internally displaced. Ninety percent of Burmese live on less than $US1 /day. Average household incomes are roughly 5% less than the average cost of feeding a family.

By our count, 2,114 political prisoners including 11 elected members of parliament remain in prison in appalling conditions. Since 1988 at least 137 political prisoners have died in jail.

These prevailing hardships and gross violations of human rights by the Burmese military are continuing to fan the flames of civil war and heightening the democratic aspirations of the people. Ongoing underground movement for change and surging wave of dissent among the people are a mark of the reach of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's influence and commitment. Even though she is formally disembodied from the body politic, the democracy movement of Burma still sees her as the central, driving force and its leader. She knows, as do we all, the road to freedom is arduous and strewn with obstacles.

Presently, the military junta is planning to hold elections under a constitution that it has drafted and passed through a unilateral process so that it will be able to legitimize military rule in the country. The constitution embodies stipulations which ensure the domination of military in the future political life of Burma. No major political party, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's party -- the National League for Democracy -- supports the constitution.

Furthermore, the 2008 constitution is designed to exclude any substantial role for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. It institutionalizes the rejection of her right to be elected for the ridiculous reason that she was married to a foreigner.

Burma is, therefore, once again facing a constitutional crisis. As such, finding a solution to the political, economic and humanitarian crisis in Burma is clearly a matter of urgency.

In that respect, the international community can play a vital role. The South African Government is particularly important via its influence.

We believe a concerted effort to bring democracy to Burma in the coming 12 months will yield positive results.

The people of Burma are inspired and they are willing to work for freedom. The people of Burma still seek to embody the spirit of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

The National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma and the National League for Democracy fully supports the United Nations Secretary-General's strong advocacy for Burma and we continue to seek reinforcement through strong and committed Security Council action.

We have championed the UN Secretary-General's five-step blueprint for the Burmese military: to release all political prisoners; to begin a substantive and time-bound dialogue; to move towards a transition regime; to improve socio-economic conditions inside Burma and; to formalize the United Nations good offices role through, for instance, a permanent presence in Burma.

We have a long-standing backing for full, open and unconditional dialogue between the NLD and the military.

Similarly our views on economic sanctions remain: there should be no adjustment or review of punitive economic measures without a parallel process of unprecedented and intensive diplomatic action.

But, clearly we need more. This is a time to step forward. To this end we have aligned Burma's various interests – ethnic groups, the religious communities, civil society, and the democracy movement both in Burma and abroad – to strike a new course for democracy.

The whole Movement for Democracy and Rights of Ethnic Nationalities has developed a program of action to address such pressing concerns as constitutional reform, steps to take for national reconciliation, economic reforms, and, the plight of refugees and internally displaced persons.

With this program, we are ready to sit down and to dialogue with the military on a peaceful transition toward democracy and development in Burma.

We seek the support of South Africa and African countries, democratic nations, the United Nations, and other international actors. We are encouraging action at the UN Security Council to bring about peaceful change in Burma.

The international community is given cause to focus its collective mind on Burma and on the need to end the nightmare. So we are here today, doing just that.

I would like to convey the appreciation Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would no doubt convey to you, our friends in a time of need.

She would want to say we all have a role to play, whether it is sending letters to your local member, becoming active in the struggle for Burmese democracy and to release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi or just by sending a prayer.

As The Lady herself has said, please use your own liberty for the liberty of the people of Burma.

I believe, one day soon, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, will be able to visit Durban and to celebrate the triumph of democracy in Burma together with you all.

Thank you.

South Africa's Gandhi Award for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi

Tue, 21 Jul 2009 15:39:36 -0400

The leader of Burma's democracy movement Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the Mahatma Gandhi Award for Peace and Reconciliation (MAGI award) at the City Hall in Durban, South Africa, on 20 July 2009.

Dr Sein Win, prime minister of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma, and cousin of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi accepted the prize on behalf of the Nobel Peace Laureate and also gave an acceptance speech (reported separately). Deputy Minister for International Relations Ebrahim Ebrahim presented the award.

The ceremony was attended by over 700 people, including Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan, Deputy Minister Ebrahim Ismal Ebrahim, KwaZulu-Natal Premier Zweli Mkhize, government officials and well known former anti-apartheid activists, and activists and other people from the grassroots social networks, civil organizations, and unions.

Dr. Thein Win and chairperson of FBCSA attended the ceremony on behalf of Free Burma Campaign, South Africa.

At the ceremony, a trustee the Gandhi Development Trust gave a speech about the MAGI Award and the reasons why Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was chosen for the 2009 Award. He said 20th July was chosen as the date to present the award because Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was placed under house arrest for the first time on that date in 1989.

The Nobel Laureate's strict adherence to Gandhi principles even at the risk of her life was also lauded. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi had appealed to South Africa to help the people of Burma. He quoted Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's comments during her interview with BBC's Lyse Doucet in 2002 when she said: "I am very wary of giving people advice. But I would like to remind the people of South Africa that they have been through very, very difficult times themselves and we would appreciate it very much if they could view our situation with sympathy and do whatever they can to help us. I sometimes think that when change comes to a country like South Africa, people in authority forget that once upon a time they too were struggling. I have to be quite frank and say that I have often wondered whether the present government of South Africa does everything it can to support our cause or whether it is even interested in doing everything that it can to support our cause."

In his speech, KwaZulu-Natal Premier Zweli Mkhize spoke about South African Government's position on Burma, mentioning particularly about the "misunderstanding" about the Burma Resolution at the United Nations and promising that South Africa will now be following the position of the international community and the United Nations with regard to its Burma policy.

The Gandhi Development Trust (GDT) was established on the 19th August 2002 with the aim of promoting Gandhian values in order to build a spirit of reconciliation and to create a culture of peace and non-violence locally and internationally. The Mahatma Gandhi International Award for Peace and Reconciliation (MAGI Awards) was created in memory of Mahatma Gandhi who began his socio-political life in South Africa and struggled ceaselessly for justice and for peace and reconciliation. It is one of the highest honor awards in South Africa and former President Nelson Mandela was awarded before.

South Africa's Offer To Negotiate Turned Down by Burma

Deputy Minister of International Relations and Cooperation Mr Ebrahim Ebrahim met with the Burmese ambassador U Tin Oo Lwin on 25 May to convey the message from the South African Government.

He expressed South Africa's continuing concern about the re-arrest of the leader of the National League for Democracy, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, calling for her immediate and unconditional release and a normalizing a political climate conducive to free and fair elections. The South African Government, he said, would like to see Burma returning to civilian rule, with a multi-party and functioning democracy.

South Africa stands ready to assist in its transition, and proposed that a delegation visit Burma to facilitate a negotiation process amongst the various political parties.

The military regime turned down the SA Government’s offer and only accepted "goodwill visit" to the country.

NCGUB Expresses Concern Over Plight of Innocent Karen Villagers

Mon, 29 Jun 2009 22:46:13 -0400

The National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma has expressed its concern over the latest round of attacks initiated by the junta against the Karen National Union at the Burma-Thai border which has forced thousands of innocent Karen villagers to flee into Thailand. The following is a report released by the NCGUB on 26 June 2009:

Karen Crisis A Sign Of Things To Come

Mae Sot -- Burma's exiled democracy movement has expressed grave concerns over the recent military assaults on the Karen people in the Thai-Burma border regions, and has urged the international community and regional governments in particular to see the wider implications of the regime's latest action.

“This year alone the issue of people from Burma fleeing into other countries has caused serious ramifications for regional governments. Yet, these crises are just the tip of the iceberg,” says Dr Thaung Htun, UN office representative for the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma.

For years now Burma has been experiencing a mass exodus from the country, with many Burmese becoming refugees or illegal immigrants in neighboring countries.

Democracy groups say many more Burmese will be forced to flee Burma in the coming months.

Burma has the third highest number of refugees of any country worldwide. According to the Washington DC-based Refugees International, around 7% of Burma's entire population, or 3.5 million Burmese, are in other countries, many as refugees.

“Burma's neighbours must wake up to the fact that there is a humanitarian crisis on their doorstep. They must also admit that this is the shape of things to come if the military regime is allowed to pursue its agenda of actively “cleansing” all remaining vestiges of democracy in Burma in the lead-up to the 2010 elections,” said Dr Thaung Htun, who is currently visiting the camps on the Thai-Burma border.

Reports suggest over 4,000 Karen civilians have been forced to flee to refugee camps in Thailand since the military launched its military offensive in the region. Villagers have been used as human mine-sweepers and as human shields in the armed struggle between the military junta and the Karen forces.

“We must offer our thanks to Thailand in particular for offering a safe haven to the Karen refugees,” said Dr Thaung Htun, “but they, and others, must understand that there will be more of this to come as this sham election campaign gathers momentum.”

The Karen situation presents a two-tier crisis, adds Dr Thaung Htun. In the short term, there is the immediate humanitarian crisis as the military's attacks on defenseless villages continue, and people are forced to run for their lives.

They need immediate aid and relief from the international community, he says.

The second tier is a crisis in the medium-term, as Burma's hardline generals seek to push those who dispute the regime's dictatorial rule out of the country, making them the region's problem.

“The medium-term solution is to find ways to support the movement of democracy and rights of ethnic nationalities and to back its national Reconciliation Proposal Toward Democracy Development in Burma that the movement of democracy and rights of ethnic nationalities are putting forward in the near future, which will provide a transition arrangement for Burma to return sustainability to democracy.”

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's Speeches in Burmese language

Tue, 09 Jun 2009 23:56:24 -0400

Burmese people need outside help to achieve freedom

Tue, 26 May 2009 12:53:54 -0400

Commentary by Dr Thaung Htun appeared in the "Opinion" section of The Nation, Bangkok, Thailand, on 26 May 2009

CASE 47/2009 sounds mundane enough. But, as this case unfolds, the future of a nation is in the balance. The number is the file reference of Aung San Suu Kyi's trial in Insein Prison in Rangoon, which started on May 18. The entire world knows the charges are trumped up and that the military regime is simply seeking to find a neat means of locking up the democracy leader again. Yet, inexplicably, we watch as the trial goes on. Here is a moment when the international community must pause and consider the history that is unfurling around it. Now is the time for world governments and organizations to act and to end the 47-year-long military dictatorship in Burma.

The facts are that Aung San Suu Kyi's period of house detention was due to come to an end on May 27. This period of incarceration should be deemed illegal not only in relation to international law, but in contravention of Burma's own legal statutes and by the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention. So, finding a "legal" means of locking up Aung San Suu Kyi again, and to deny her any connection with elections planned in 2010, became an imperative for the junta.

It is also a sign that the Burmese military is panicking as international pressure mounts for Aung San Suu Kyi's release. This trial is a rash and hurried lurch by a jittery regime to temper the waves of outcry over its hardline approach.

International inaction might be understandable, but not perhaps justified, if we were talking about a tiny nation on the margins of regional and global relations. Burma is none of these things. With a population of some 50 million, it is potentially one of Asia's richest and most go-ahead countries. Traditionally high literacy rates and high rates of English-language competency add to its potential. Burma is also positioned in a strategically vital area, nestled between India and China.

Quite apart from the moral imperative, there is a significant strategic motivation to secure democracy in Burma. The possibility of "failed state" status -- a categorization that may already apply - for such a strategically and economically important nation should focus even the mind of the most Realpolitik-enamored policy wonk. The regional implications alone are significant.

The international community must approach this current crisis with both short-term and longer-term agendas in mind.

First, and most pressingly, the immediate and unconditional release of Aung San Suu Kyi, along with the remaining 2,000-plus political prisoners in Burma, must be secured.

The best means of doing this will likely be through an immediate visit to Burma by the United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, and action to which he has already committed. Intervening in this way would be a powerful symbol, and few share his ability to directly defuse the current tensions and to facilitate a multi-party dialogue to lead towards a process of national reconciliation of all relevant parties.

This action would be best empowered through an emergency session of the United Nations Security Council. Here, a presidential statement can mobilize the Secretary-General's Office and can also discuss initiatives for a medium-term international response to the current situation and beyond.

Once the immediate crisis has been resolved, the international community will then have to consider the future of Burma.

The National League for Democracy, the party led by Aung San Suu Kyi, has been clear that it aims for reconciliation not retribution. Recently, the NLD produced the Shwegondaing Declaration, which confirmed the party's belief in ensuring that the military is part of the process of national rebuilding.

No democracy can take root amid the turmoil of revenge and power grabs. A long-term solution requires a mature view and, driven by the non-violent and conciliatory approach of Aung San Suu Kyi herself, Burma's democracy movement is keenly aware of its responsibilities.

A viable plan of action has already been devised by the NLD, the wider democracy movement, ethnic parties and the government in exile.

The US has recently extended targeted sanctions on Burma, yet has also raised the possibility of a softly-softly approach. How this might be played out remains the purview of Washington, but we would stress that the time is now and that our plan offers a sustainable means of bringing a lasting democracy to Burma.

Burma's critical moment appears to have arrived and it needs the ability to act and to move quickly, as well as a cool hand amid the chaos to guide the process to a longer-term conclusion. We beseech the international community to seize this moment, to help our country recover and to ensure Aung San Suu Kyi one day is allowed to be free among the people for whom she has sacrificed so much.

Dr Thaung Htun is the UN representative for the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma -- the government in exile.

Burma exiles warn of growing public outrage

Tue, 19 May 2009 01:58:31 -0400

International Action Plan Outlined

18 May 2009

The Burmese government in exile has alerted global governments and organizations about increasing anger among the population as the trumped-up case against democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi begins its second day in Rangoon this morning, Burma time.

The National Coalition Government for the Union of Burma has advised the international community to have contingency plans in place should the situation boil over in the coming days.

The area around the prison compound is heavily guarded, roads have been blocked off and, markets and shops have been told to shut down, as the military regime bolsters itself for a possible outcry at the treatment of the democracy icon and Nobel Peace Prize laureate.

Around 70 Burmese were killed and hundreds were imprisoned following the last major public demonstrations, known as the Saffron Revolution, broke out late in 2007.

"A concerted effort is needed," says the NCGUB's United Nations co-ordinator Dr. Thaung Htun.

"Major powers like India, China, the US and the EU, as well as regional bodies like ASEAN, must work together to find a solution to this untenable situation, especially as things may escalate in the coming days." The UN provides the most effective means of doing this, says Thaung Htun.

The UN has two viable options, say the NCGUB.

One, is the immediate visit to Rangoon of a Special Advisor to be dispatched from the United Nations Secretary-General's office. This advisor would work to defuse current tensions and to secure the release of all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi.

Two, an emergency session of the Security Council should be convened to urgently discuss the situation in Burma and to decide upon what collective action can be taken in the medium to longer term.

Speaking to both proposals, the NCGUB's UN office co-ordinator, Dr. Thaung Htun says, "This is exactly the moment the UN was established for. Now is the time when the UN must lead, to rally all powers, and to show the world it is not prepared to sit idly by as a massive injustice is perpetrated on the Aung San Suu Kyi and on the people of Burma."

"We call for immediate action through the UN to put an end to this outrageous action on the part of Burma's military junta."

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Aung San Suu Kyi Trial an Indication of Junta's Panic

Fri, 15 May 2009 00:10:35 -0400

By: BO HLA TINT

Published in the "News" Section

Bangkok Post 15/05/2009

In Burma, things just keep going from bad to worse. Last week, the country's revered democracy leader and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi was taken ill. Her doctor reported she was short of breath, had low blood pressure and needed an intravenous drip.

That was just before he was detained.

Then there was news of US national John William Yettaw, 53, who swam across Rangoon's Inya Lake to Daw Suu Kyi's house, where he stayed for two nights in her basement.

Now Daw Suu Kyi has been taken to the notorious Insein prison to be tried on clearly trumped up charges.

This presents an opportunity for the international community to act. To anyone with even a passing notion of Burma's Orwellian political context, this latest development is oddly predictable, even given the surreal circumstances.

To reach an understanding of this awful turn of events, one has only to reach back a few months. In April, the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention found that Aung San Suu Kyi's incarceration was not only in violation of international law, it was in contravention of Burmese law.

Since then it has been incumbent on the Burmese military regime to find a means to justify the continued imprisonment of the country's leading democracy figure. This compulsion became particularly pressing as Daw Suu Kyi's current period of house detention was scheduled to end on May 27.

Desperately reaching for an excuse to put the country's legitimate democracy leader in prison, the regime has cooked up a bizarre scheme to use the uninvited visit of the American and to then apply Article 22 of the State Protection Law, which prohibits any Burmese from accepting a foreign visitor for an overnight stay without state permission.

This is quite apart from the fact that it is the regime which should be on trial for failing to protect someone supposedly under their watch.

The trial looks set to drag on for days yet. It will be behind closed doors, of course, and likely removed from any connection to basic legal due process. This development highlights a number of issues.

For one, it should not be forgotten that Aung San Suu Kyi's fate mirrors that of Burma's many other political prisoners. There are now some 2,100 political prisoners in Burmese prison cells and each and every one has landed there on the back of unfounded charges and hollow legal processes.

Her fate is that of so many in Burma.

The second issue is that Daw Suu Kyi's widely reported health problems have clearly driven the regime to seek ways to take her even further away from scrutiny. This is clearly a dangerous course, but it does at least suggest that the regime is increasingly reactionary and that international pressure to release Daw Suu Kyi is gaining traction.

While we all fear the health consequences should she be imprisoned, we can at least find some motivation in this fact.

A third point highlighted is that this situation is as clear an indication there ever was -- if one were needed -- that the proposed 2010 national elections are an absolute sham. Finding scant reason to lock up the country's bona fide democracy leader is this regime's obsession, not democracy. This election has zero credibility and zero democratic accountability.

As the regime has seen fit to look to imprison their greatest threat, we can all be emboldened by her spirit and by her fortitude. That she has stayed in Burma to face such threats to her safety and well-being, despite being allowed to leave Burma at any time (so long as she does not return), shows she has chosen a harsh course.

For her, it is the only course, for she must be where her people are.

Over the last months, there has been debate over policy on Burma among the international community. The case of Aung San Suu Kyi underlines that any policy must have at its core a push for the release of all political prisoners and to be driven by the need for a democratic transition to be initiated in Burma immediately.

Moreover, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's arrest offers a firm basis for the continuation of targeted economic sanctions and for ongoing international pressure, as this is an obvious motivator for the regime and is a sign that they fear the opprobrium of global governments and institutions.

The solution to Burma is, and has always been, a combination of carrot and stick.

What we learn from the case of Aung San Suu Kyi, as she awaits her fate in Insein prison, is that there is hope even in disaster and that her sacrifices are at last undermining the regime. Perhaps this appears paradoxical and counter-intuitive, but such is the shape of politics in today's Burma.

The world must not let this moment pass without swift and sure action. It is time for the international community to end Burma's descent into hell and to use Daw Suu Kyi's kangaroo court trial as a base upon which to build greater democracy in our country.

This "Article History" by Bo Hla-Tint was also carried by the Guardian of UK under the title: "Hope for Burma, even in disaster" on 14 May.

Bo Hla Tint is Foreign Affairs Minister for the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma, headquartered in Washington, DC